16.6.2025 Eveliina Lyytinen & Alex Berg
Research on older adults with a refugee background is on the rise in Finland and internationally, but remains limited for the time being. In this blog, we explore research themes and gaps related to older adults with a refugee background. We begin by surveying what we already know about them in general, based on current international and Finnish research. We also reflect on the definition of aging from the perspective of refugee studies and on how older refugees might find a durable solution to their displacement situation.
Who are older refugees?
As of now, we still know relatively little about the lives and experiences of the so-called older refugees. But who are they and how are they fairing? How can their experiences end up challenging conventional policy-related ideas about integration and durable solutions? We argue that it is essential to conduct more research on the age-related aspects of forced migration and belonging.
According to the UNHCR (2026) by the end of 2025, there were approximately 117,8 million forcibly displaced people, of whom about 41,6 million were refugees who have crossed international state borders. Globally, about 5% of people in need of international protection are older, defined as those over 60 years old by the United Nations agencies. In Finland, there are about 35,000 foreigners over the age of 65. Between 2015–2025 around 3 526 asylum applications were submitted by people above the age of 50. These older persons came typically from Iraq, Russia, Ukraine, Afghanistan, Syria, Somalia and Iran.
In many countries with high life expectancy, 50 years of age is considered middle age, and therefore it may draw criticism when people over 50 are included in research on older adults. However, research in the field of refugees – which our own research projects are also part of – often takes into account the lower life expectancy of older refugees in their home countries. More importantly, however, we emphasize the impact of conflict and war trauma on aging and adaptation processes. Strict asylum policies can also increase vulnerability. Given these factors, according to Berg et al. (2026) it is not uncommon for individuals aged 50 and older to be included in studies examining the lived experiences of older refugees.
Despite having chronological definition of an older person for empirical reasons, it is valid to refer to the concept of social age. Clark-Kazak (2024: 1–2) has argued for a social age approach where it is recognized that “the aging process is both a biological fact of life, but also socially constructed in particular times and places.” According to her, social age refers to the localized, social meanings and roles ascribed to different stages of the life course. It also incorporates power relations embedded in intergenerational relationships, and it is shaped by cultural norms and life experiences.
Identifying the research gaps
In migration studies, age and older immigrants have often been examined from the perspective of intergenerational relationships and life course, and it has been noted that aging has frequently been overlooked in discussions related to migration, with the main focus being on working-age adults or children. However, the well-being, care connections, access to rights, and daily lives of older immigrants in their new country of residence have already been studied quite extensively.
In the Finnish context, current research lacks studies focusing on the social and racial inequalities faced by older immigrants from countries other than Somalia or Russia, and so far, there has been little interest in older immigrants from outside the EU. As KC et al. (2023) have pointed out in their exploratory study, research has not yet considered the perspectives and lived experiences of diverse older immigrants in marginalized positions.
One clear gap in Finnish research on aging and migration remains the study of older adults who have experienced forced migration as well as the aging of older adults with a refugee background in Finland. International research on forced migration has focused on life in exile and life trajectories, as well as on the experiences of older refugees who have been forced to leave their home countries. Also, while research on older immigrants has generally expanded, there is still little research on older refugees.
Furthermore, there are more studies available on those who have aged while in exile than on those who were of older age when they became refugees. More recent literature continues to highlight how little research has been conducted on older refugees compared to children and working-age adults. Research in this field has also largely focused on the Global North, leaving the regions in the Global South that have received the most refugees in the shadows of investigations.
Older adults with a refugee background – What do we know about them?
Horn and Fokkema (2025) remind us that the unique challenges older refugees face in their daily lives should not be overlooked, even though some of their challenges are similar to those faced by other older adults in general or by older immigrants. Older adults with a refugee background may, for example, suffer more than others from grief associated with fleeing their home country. Furthermore, the experiences of forced migration, conflict, and economic uncertainty may accelerate the physical and social effects of aging.
Besides challenges, older adults with a refugee background often possess valuable life experience and resilience that can benefit both themselves and their close circle. Some of them may have lived as refugees or immigrants earlier in their youth or middle age. In addition, many of them have relatives and friends living in the diaspora of their countries of origin and other parts of the world. Through these experiences, older persons with a refugee background may have extensive and strong transnational social networks and community ties.
In their new communities, they may also continue to play a significant role as the community’s oldest and enjoy the respect of younger members. Yet, forced migration often alters not only generational and gender relationships within families but also the structures and dynamics of communities. Approaches linked to life course and intergenerational relationships are indeed valuable in research on older refugees.
In addition to the age at which they migrated, the immigration channels through which they arrived in, for example, Europe or Finland, are significant. Those who arrived as quota refugees or through family reunification may have been able to start the official integration process quickly, but for some older-aged asylum seekers, it may have taken years to obtain international protection. Older adults may also be undocumented, and formalizing their status can be difficult. As a result, they may have had to live for years under the threat of deportation, which can further undermine their health and integration.
Finding permanent solutions – Finnish citizenship and rethinking integration
Between 2015 and 2025 – a period of 10 years – 3,526 people over the age of 50 applied for asylum in Finland. Of these, about one-third received a positive decision on their application (Finnish Immigration Service 2026). A significant proportion of them have therefore not been granted asylum and may not have been able to remain in the country.
A permanent residence permit is often the next step toward Finnish citizenship after obtaining a residence permit. Between 2015 and 2025, 1,653 older people applied for a permanent residence permit in Finland on the basis of international protection. The vast majority of them – as many as 95% – have been granted this residence permit.
However, obtaining citizenship appears to be more challenging for older adults. Between 2015 and 2025, 2,226 people above the age of 50 with refugee status in Finland applied for citizenship. Of them, approximately 68% were granted citizenship, but as many as 32% were denied it.
In the coming years, it is likely that obtaining a permanent residence permit and citizenship will become more difficult for everyone, including older refugees, due to changes in the law. The special circumstances of older refugees – related to their forced migration at an advanced age – may prevent them from meeting these citizenship requirements. For example, advanced age and past experiences resulting from conflict and forced displacement may affect their health and their ability to learn Finnish or Swedish, as suggested by Berg et al. 2026.
For those over 65, there are certain exceptions regarding, for example, language, livelihood, and work history requirements for permanent residence permits and Finnish citizenship. The citizenship test planned for Finland would likely not apply to those over 65. But since the aging population can be viewed as a broader group than just those over 65 – for example, starting as early as age 50 – these tightening measures in both the Aliens Act and the Citizenship Act may also have a broader impact on the opportunities of aging refugees to obtain permanent residence permits and Finnish citizenship, respectively.
Thus, the new amendments to the Citizenship Act (474/2024; 929/2025) are likely to significantly exclude older refugees from eligibility for Finnish citizenship, which could lead to prolonged instability, insecurity, a lack of belonging, anxiety, impaired mental well-being, and social exclusion (Berg et al. 2026). However, citizenship in the host country is one of the most important sustainable solutions for refugees, and it must continue to be upheld for everyone – including older refugees.
Finally, the literature on critical integration studies has highlighted that aging has been addressed primarily in the context of political debates on integration. In these political debates, older refugees are often viewed as a group whose belonging to the new society is called into question. The same applies to immigrant parents who remain in their home countries, as shown by the Mobile Futures-related co-research. However, older refugees who are given the opportunity to enjoy healthy aging in their host countries can significantly support, for example, their children’s and grandchildren’s sense of belonging and facilitate their integration by providing childcare and support with others attending the labor market and schooling.
To conclude, we argue that it is necessary to rethink integration, for example, through the concept of social age or everyday mundane practices. Ignoring these interpretations and actions that deviate from the mainstream of policy and social discourse may lead to the diverse nuances of older adults’ sense of belonging not being recognized as part of discussions on integration, participation, and belonging.
References
Berg, Alex, Mervi Issakainen, Kaijus Ervasti, Tero Montonen, Eino Solje & Anna Mäki-Petäjä-Leinonen (2026). Access to Justice: An Empirical Study on the Lived Experiences of Older Immigrants in Finland. Retfærd, 49 (1), 4–23. https://doi.org/10.18261/ret.49.1.2
Chan, Lily & Liselott Sundbäck (2025). Trust as a Bridge: Strengthening Institutional Encounters in Welfare Services to Support Migrant Stay-at-Home Mothers. Mobile Futures policy brief, Åbo Akademi University. Saatavilla: https://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi-fe2025092297208. Luettu 26.3.2026.
Clark-Kazak, Christina (2024). Aging in and out of Place. Lived Experiences of Forced Migration Across the Life Course. Lived Places Publishing: New York. Saatavilla: https://doi.org/10.62859/9781915734600. Luettu 2.6.2026.
Horn, Vincent & Tineke Fokkema (2025) Editors’ Introduction – Older Refugees: Who Are They and How Are They Faring? Journal of Refugee Studies, 38 (1), 1–15, https://doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feaf017
KC, Smarika, Kris Clarke & Marjaana Seppänen (2023). A Scoping Review on Ageing Migrants in Finland Through the Lens of Intersectionality and Vulnerability. Nordic Journal of Migration Research, 13 (3), 1–18. doi: 10.33134/njmr.561
UNHCR (2026) Global Trends report 2025. UNHCR, Geneve. Saatavilla: Global Trends report 2025 | UNHCR. Luettu 15.6.2026.
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